Nkosana Sibuyi

Posted by Nkosana Sibuyi: 25 June 2009

Jean-Paul Sarte’s tome, Being and Nothingness, regarded as a book of existentialism reflects on three kinds of entity in existence namely, Beings-for -Themselves, Beings-in-Themselves and Beings-for-Others. Taken to a logical conclusion, all of these modes of existence are fundamental to the essence, consciousness and experience of the world considered habitable.

Essentially, these modes of existence are, to a greater degree about sameness and difference. At times they are suzerain but do not transcend the concrete, particular, timelesness and history in the evolution of a specific dialetical phenomenon. In essence, the modes of existence also speak to the gamut of the discourse of the Self and the Othering which, in some instances, situates Africa as a Dark Continent.

Sarte’s reflection reminds me to engender, critique and analyse an understanding of what happened on 10 November 1995. During this period, I was a first year student at the then University of the North (now University of Limpopo) and stayed with my friend and home boy Dan Moyana. We were renting a room from the Tjale family in Mankweng Township. Prior to 1995 and during the course of that year I had been following the developments around Kenule "Ken" Beeson Saro-Wiwa, President of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). Ken Saro-Wiwa (as he he is affectionately known), together with the MOSOP leadership were against the multinational company, Shell Petroleum Development Company (Shell Nigeria) whose operations contributed to the environmental degradation of the land and natural waters of Ogoniland since the 1950s.

At the height of this struggle, Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other MOSOP leaders were arrested and tried by a special military tribunal all on trumped-up charges widely viewed as entirely politically motivated, baseless and tendetious. The "Ogoni Nine" as they were affectionately known were hanged on 10 November 1995 by the Nigerian military government of General Sani Abacha. Most of the reports and accounts point to the effect that Ken Saro-Wiwa was the last person to be hanged and so was forced to watch the death of his colleagues.

The execution of the Ogoni Nine provoked international opprobrium and consequently led to Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations and other countries seriously considered to impose economic sanctions on Nigeria. Ken Saro-Wiwa, an environmental activist, author and winner of the Goldman Environmental Prize received the Right Livelihood Award for his courage as well as the Goldman Environmental Prize. Although a memorial dedicated to him had to be unveiled in London on 10 November 2006 instead of in his homeland, his revered legacy and historical contribution remains undminished and continues to shape the history of the Ogoni People in Nigeria.

On 8 June 2009, the Centre for Constitutional Rights released a statement that said that a settlement was reached regarding the human rights cases against Royal Dutch/Shell in terms of which Nigerian human rights activists would receive $15.5 million as compensation and that a trust fund would be established for the purpose. The statement posited that “the parties in the Wiwa versus Shell case agreed to settle human rights claims charging the Royal Dutch/Shell company, its Nigerian subsidiary, Shell Petroleum Development Company and former head of its operation, Brian Anderson with complicity in the torture, killing and abuse of Ogoni leader Ken Saro-Wiwa and other non-violent Nigerian activists in the mid-1990s in the Ogoni region of the Niger Delta”.

Pointedly, the statement of the plaintiffs in this case said that “for fourteen years and more we have suffered our loss privately and publicly but for the most part we have endured our pains away from the media spotlight. It has been a lonely, agonising and traumatic period for many of us but we were sustained in our grief by this lawsuit, holding out for the day when we might finally be given the opportunity to exorcise our grief. It is said that justice delayed is justice denied but today our private agonies and our long struggle for justice have finally been vindicated and we are gratified that Shell has agreed to atone for its actions”.

“To our people, we say Ake, Beenu, Nonu, Sitam. The struggle continues,” the statement continued. Although the settlement will create The Kiisi Trust, (Kiisi meaning “progress” in the Ogoni languages) the Ogoni people have many outstanding issues with Shell, which remain unresolved.

Given the international and continental interest in this matter, meaningful engagement and participation is both a concrete expression of the dignity of the African citizens and is indispensable in affirming the continent’s role in world polity. Since this dispute has been resolved to a certain extent, what lessons can Africa draw from this experience? How can this experience be used to advance or affirm democratic values, fair play and good governance in Africa? What should African governments ensure is done in accordance with the imperatives outlined in international law?

Without any fear of compunction, it is patently clear that the multi-national corporations (MNCs) have and continue to play both a developmental role and a reversal of the democratic gains in African countries. From this standpoint and like any other corporate citizen, the MNCs should be held accountable for complicity in repression, collusion and human rights violations, wherever they may be committed.

Chinua Achebe, in his poignant book, The Trouble with Nigeria tellingly contends that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is basically nothing wrong with the Nigerian character. What I am saying is that Nigeria is not beyond change. I am saying that Nigeria can change today if she discovers leaders who have the will, the ability and vision. Such people are rare in any time or place.”

The essence of the issues above patently shows that Nigeria in particular and Africa in general has the capacity, potential and a sense of direction in shaping a better continent and a better world. The de-establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to usher in the African Union (AU), the introduction of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) are some of the signals that signify that the continent has taken a conscious and well considered decision to become a master of her own destiny. Married to the above, African countries who are members of the AU are now guided by the Constitutive Act of the African Union and are obliged to respect the spirit of the APRM on germane issues such as economic governance and management, democracy and good political governance, socio-economic development and corporate governance.

Ken Saro-Wiwa’s touching book, Sozaboy, A novel in rotten English makes concrete reflections and manifestations of the terrifying Nigerian Civil War or the Biafran War which caused untold misery and suffering for the Nigerian people from disease and starvation. Quite clearly, the anti-war novel is a product of difficult and inexplicable personal sacrifices and experiences which communicates a profound and concrete moral message about Nigeria and the future she should create.

One of the salutary issues that should seize the attention of different scholars is that Ken Saro-Wiwa’s son, Ken Wiwa wrote a biography, In the Shadow of a Saint: A Son's Journey to Understanding His Father's Legacy. The biography, although it is organic and futuristic, captures the centrality of forgeting and forgiving. The theme of forgiveness is also central to Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s Foreword to Aung San Suu Kyi’s book, Freedom from Fear when he wrote: “people will need to acknowledge the past and awful things that were done so that there may be contrition, confession and forgiveness. Without forgiveness, there can be no future. Forgiveness is not a nebulous spiritual thing. It is practical politics.”

From this worldview, it is not only spiritually uplifting but this also demonstrates a heightened level of maturity, reflective and insightful sense of purpose and direction on the part of Ken Wiwa as the centre cannot hold if dealt with in a sectarian manner without taking the national interest into account.

Ken Wiwa writes that when the noose was placed around Ken Saro-Wiwa’s neck and the hood on his head he cried out in agony: “What have I done to be killed this way? I have served this country well, and God knows I am never volent. God I am innocent, God I am innocent.” These profound words represented a defining moment for Ken Saro-Wiwa and his recognition of his guiltlesness in a military regime hellbent on destroying all that is good about Nigeria. As Ken Saro-Wiwa liked to say, “to live a day in Nigeria is to die many times in one day.”

However, Ken Saro-Wiwa’s last words before his death helped mobilise the MOSOP to persist and strive for the total emancipation of the Ogoni people. He said: “Lord, take my soul, but the struggle conitinues.” Accordingly, part of this message guided the content of the statement of the plaintif when they announced the settlement in the matter between Shell and Wiwa in which they said :“To our people, we say Ake, Beenu, Nonu, Sitam. The struggle continues.”

In these circumstances, they also affirmed the central belief “that dialogue remains the most humane and creative option for peace and a mutually beneficial coexistence.” It could be concluded from the statement above that it generally speaks about the central need to utilise the individual and collective power of the people to fight against repression and oppression. It could as well be argued that the challenges faced by the Noble Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the struggle for human rights and democracy in Burma and the titanic struggle for liberation in South Africa are some of the efforts for political integrity, good or democratic governance and legitimacy.
In the South African context, the continuation of the struggle for liberation was amongst others also aptly defined and represented by Steve Biko, Solomon Mahlangu and Vuyisile Mini. For instance, South Africa witnessed the emergence of the Khulumani Support Group contesting the approach that was adopted to deal with cases arising from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) process. Linked to the above, we have also seen Adriaan Vlok voluntarily washing Reverend Frank Chikane’s feet as an expression of his atonement or an admission of the wrongdoing committed during the apartheid system of governance. However, like the Ogoni people who have many outstanding issues with Shell which remain unresolved, there is equally a welter of questions that still remain unanswered in South Africa.

Solomon Mahlangu was executed on 6 April 1979 and out of commitment to state the germane task he played the ANC established the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO) in Tanzania to provide for the education of young South African exiles.

Like Ken Saro-Wiwa who said something remarkable before he was executed, Solomon Mahlangu himself when, on his way to the gibbet, intrepidly declared:

My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom. Tell my
people that I love them. They must continue the fight.

Similarly, Steve Biko’s words when he said “It is better to die for an idea that will live, than to live for an idea that will die” helped to shape the orientation and served as a mobilising dynamic for the majority of South Africans. Vuyisile Mini together with Wilson Khayinga and Zinakile Mkaba were hanged in the gallows at Pretoria Central Prison on 6 November 1964. They all went to the gallows singing liberation songs, a reflection of matryrdom and a symbolism of the commitment to freedom. Mini was not only a singer but also a composer par excellence of rare breed, and utilised song as a mobilising tool for liberation. Notably, Mini, Khayinga and Mkaba, like Ken Saro- Wiwa were executed during the same month, November. Wretchedly, their execution took place four years after liberation movements were banned by the apartheid led government.

In a sense, Ken Saro-Wiwa, Steve Biko, Solomon Mahlangu and Vuyisile Mini’s words represented both a fearless and heroic dynamic from whose essence we must all learn going forward. By extension, the fact that the theme The Struggle Continues was used as a catalytic and mobilising tool in Nigeria, South Africa and the African continent in general aptly reflects that the struggle for human emancipation is indivisible. Although different and diverse arguments have been advanced about the role and quality they (Biko, Mahlangu, Mini and Ken Saro-Wiwa) played in the struggle for liberation, it is incumbent upon us to learn from their approach and experience to build an organic or democratic credo from which we currently enjoy in our democratic countries.

One of the driving doctrine and canon for the struggle for liberation and democracy in Burma, Nigeria, South Africa and the world is the momentous need to embrace atonement, reconciliation, transparency, accountability, dignity, integrity, equality, justice, peace, dialogue, diversity, responsibility, respect and freedom. The African continent’s future depends on them. Undoubtedly, the absence of these principles shall have the propensity to threaten the social fabric of the African society. All of these words represent a call to action and the building of a society at peace with itself and the world.

Jean-Paul Sarte’s existentialist and concrete reflection on Beings-for-Themselves, Beings-in-Themselves and Beings-for-Others reminds us that we need to appreciate both the centripetal and centrifugal forces inherent in human philosophy and consciousness. Accordingly, in both marrow and bones, we should not transcend the concrete, particular, timelesness and history in the evolution of a specific dialetical phenomenon. Unless this happens, we will remain a poorer continent in perpetuity.